A New Approach to Agriculture in Nigeria

Everyone in Nigeria believes that agriculture is very important for the country’s progress as well as being a vital tool for the liberation of Nigerians from the prison of poverty. However, Nigeria with a total area of 923,768 km² of which 910,768 km² is arable land, and 13,000 km² water; in addition to 140 million people, huge oil wealth and twenty-one (21) agricultural institutes- it can be interesting to mention them:

1. Arable Crops Research Institute

2. National Agricultural Extension Research and Liaison Services (AERLS)

3. Institute for Agricultural Research (IAR)

4. Institute of Agricultural Research and Training (IAR&T)

5. National Cereals Research Institute (NCRI)

6. Lake Chad Research Institute (LCRI)

7. National Root Crops Research Institute (NRCRI)

8. National Stored Products Research Institute (NSPRI)

9. Forestry, Horticulture and Tree Crops Research Institutes

10. Forestry Research Institute of Nigeria

11. National Horticulture Research Institute (NIHORT)

12. Cocoa Research institute of Nigeria (CRIN)

13. Nigerian Institute for Oil Palm Research (NIFOR)

14. Rubber Research Institute of Nigeria (RRIN)

15. Animal Production, Fisheries and Oceanography Research Institutes

16. National Animal Production Research Institute (NAPRI)

17. National Institute for Freshwater Fisheries Research (NIFFR)

18. Nigerian Institute for Oceanography and Marine Research

19. Animal Health Research Institutes

20. National Veterinary Research Institute (NVRI) – Vom

21. Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomiasis Research (NITR)

With the above mentioned Nigeria’s natural resources and the 21 agricultural research institutes along with the assistance of international development agencies, the country have created and implemented projects and programmes for the development of the agricultural sector- programmes such as the National Accelerated Food Programme of 1973, National Lives Stock Production programme of 1975, the Presidential Initiatives on selected commodities- rice, cocoa, cassava, vegetable and livestock and fisheries of 1999. But it is disheartening to note that these efforts have not yielded appreciable successes. The reasons for the low successes were not because the projects and programmes were mere paper and pencil solutions, but the methodology of their implementation seems to have missed some vital links, such as effective youth and local community participation and free from politicians interference.

Nigeria should redefine the implementation strategies of her agricultural programmes and policies, in such a way that youths are made the central focus. This is because for Nigeria to remain economically viable, it is imperative that the country’s agricultural sector is developed.

How would Nigeria benefit from an agricultural Scheme that makes youth its centre of attraction? Will such scheme not end-up same as the previous ones we criticised at the beginning of this piece? Most development and poverty reduction programmes in Nigeria end-up being hijacked by politicians at the detriment of the initial motive of the programmes or schemes. How can such a scheme be make to be free from ‘politics’ – the Nigerian politics, so to speak?

This proposed ‘youth centered’ approach to agriculture should not deviate from government’s agricultural goals of alleviating poverty and hunger, promoting sustainable agricultural development, improved nutrition and food security. However, the scheme should imbibe an all inclusive participatory technique- where youth, communities, local councils, states, the federal government and the private sector (financial institutions and private investors) will be active and major participants. Financial institutions and private investors shall be the financiers; governments at all levels will have well-defined roles, while the youths and communities shall be the targets. In addition, the scheme should be designed to be in four categories- ‘export oriented’, ‘large’, ‘medium’ and ‘small’ scales, along with a well-defined timeframe for government complete handoff from the scheme. But how will this be implemented?

The federal government would be the guarantor of fund to be provided by financial institutions or private investors. This will be done through the issuance of either callable, par value or coupon rate bonds. The scheme should work in such a way that local councils and state government would provide lands and other logistics. The private investors or financial institutions who will participate in the scheme are not to give money directly to the governments in order to receive the bond-certificate, but it would be a kind of batter arrangement; where the investor; either financial institutions or private individuals would setup farms, in addition to putting in place all structures required in a standard farm. After which a bond certificate equivalent to the cost which is to be determined by both parties and NGO’s will be issued to them. This will completely eliminate corruption which is the main reason for the failure of most good programmes in Nigeria.

To encourage investors to participate in the scheme, before the maturity of the bond, the investor would take a prescribed stake, between 5% and 10% in any of the farms they setup. This will assist in monitoring progress on the farm, on top of being an added value to the investors, since, in addition to the interests they will get from their bond when it is redeemed, they will have shares in the farms’ profit. However, after maturity of the bond, their stakes in the farm would be transferred to the host communities.

Despite the seeming complexity of such a scheme; if experts in the areas of systems thinking, financing, agriculture, and development are engaged to design it workability, it can be experimented as a tool for the implementation of the numerous government’s fine programmes that have suffered failures at the implementation stages. In addition to setting up of new farms, it can be experimented in rejuvenation of old ones; provision of extension services and agric implements to small scale farmers and also in the area of commercialisation of research findings by the agricultural research institution.

Perhaps it becomes what a Diaspora- Nigerian once said Nigeria’s economic problems dearly need- a ‘platinum bullet’.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

Atiku, PDP and 2011

                                                           

Politics, as the saying goes, is really fascinating and very complex. It is the only permanent thing in life and most of the times its intricacies go beyond our imagination.  Nigerian politics, for instance, is always in perpetual alignment, realignment and horse-trading, while Nigerian politicians are often easily predictable and seldom difficult to predict.

It can be said that former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar’s plans to return to his former party, the PDP, was in the process for almost three years. In late 2008, Atiku’s posters in PDP’s emblems floated many streets of some states in the country, in particular Jimeta-Yola, the capital of his home state, Adamawa. It was also rumoured, some few months ago, that Atiku smartly attempted to return to the PDP, but was blocked by some forces in the party. So, the news of his return to the PDP may not be surprising to political pundits who have been closely monitoring the body language in his political camp. However, Atiku’s plans return to the PDP has raised some important questions as well as series of political hypothesis on why he choose the current time to perfect his long thought plan. Is it a sign that that the former Vice President has received a green light from an influential factor in the PDP? Perhaps, he has already smartly got PDP‘s membership card from his ward. Only time will tell.

Political pundits are of the view that Atiku’s return to the PDP is what the strong man of Italian politics and its Prime Minister; Silvio Berlusconi called sopravvivenza politica- political survival. Nevertheless, there is no doubt; Atiku’s return to PDP would affect the political permutation in the PDP, the Action Congress, Adamawa State in particular and Nigeria as a whole.

There are three schools of thought on the reasons why Atiku choose this current political situation to return to the PDP. The first thought by students of politic holds the view that, Atiku is imprisoned by his ambition to be President of Nigeria in 2011, so he has seen a rare opportunity he can’t afford to miss. The second school of thought is that of political analysts, their view is, Atiku’s move is nothing but a display of one of the many intriguing characters of the Nigerian politicians- they are always in perpetual oscillation; they stick only to where the wave offers them satisfaction of their political interest, giving truth to the saying that politics is all about interest. The third school of thought is that of ordinary Nigerians, who see Atiku’s return to the PDP as the ‘the same old story’- the Nigerian political environment will continue to be dominated by same elements who have same interest. However, Atiku’s loyalists are quick to point out that Atiku’s move is purely for national interests, especially at this critical moment. National interest, peace and unity are key words that Nigerian politicians use all the time to achieve their political goals, so to speak.

There was a claim by a group with a name Coalition for True Democrats which is based in Jimeta-Yola, Atiku’s home state capital, that Atiku’s return to the PDP was designed to be a counterbalance to the Generals in the PDP. Though Atiku’s media aide has denied the group, calling them fifth columnists. Atiku is wise enough not to contemplate using such a sentiment as a weapon for his return to the PDP. It will be a political suicide by him; after all, he is product of late General’s Shehu Musa Yar’Adua’s political magnanimity. In addition, Atiku cannot afford any political fight this time around, because he has fought many battles and, though he won a lots of them, political-war has cost him quite a lot of political fortune- he has lost his home state and some his political allies. This brings us to the implications of Atiku’s return to PDP as regards Adamawa politics.

The Adamawa State government and the State chapter of the PDP in a statement recently, opposed Atiku’s move. It is obvious that the reasons for the fear, nervousness, leg-wobbling and rumblings among politicians in Adamawa State are because of Atiku’s plans to return to the PDP is nothing but the possibility of him dominating the political scene which is a little bit crowded with many political interests. Besides that, Atiku has strong and widespread political might, which any clever politician will look at twice. Moreover, the truth of the matter is, once Abuja is okay with Atiku’s return to the PDP, the state chapter and indeed the Adamawa state government has no option than to receive him with open hands. But, Atiku has to prepare for a fierce resistance both from his home state and other political interest, having in mind that politics is all about openness and secrecy, honesty and deception. Atiku’s failure to reconcile with the PDP at the time the party valued and dreaded him most- i.e. before the Supreme Court judgment on his case against Yar’Adua’s election, has given his adversary within the PDP the political weapon needed against him, though the odds seem to be in his favour.

Does Atiku still possess his hitherto political charisma and ‘macho-man’ power, especially the one he possessed during his ‘no shaking’ political battle with former President Obasanjo, to face the already in the waiting opposition in the PDP? Does the PDP need Atiku or is it Atiku that needs the PDP? The answers are anybody’s guess- the road to the ‘shield of the umbrella’ may not be as smooth as it seems. High-wired politicking is needed. The answer to the second question is - both Atiku and the PDP need each other, in one way or the other. Atiku was a member of the G21 and G34- the founding groups of the PDP; and he is still the Head of the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM), a political grouping founded by the late Gen. Shehu Yar’Adua, a movement that is still a component in the backbone of the PDP. Additionally, Nigeria being a heterogeneous society and also an ethno-religious sensitive country, Atiku is among the few politicians that many Nigerian outside his ethno-religious leanings are conformable with. So, the PDP will leverage from that. On the other hand, the PDP is stronger than any of the political party in the country, thus it seems the only platform strong enough to smoothen Atiku’s way to actual his ambition, so he needs its emblem.

From now to 2011 many interesting high-wired politics would happen. Nigerians should expect one-two-punch political battles; bubble to bubble politicking as well as merry-go-around political games, all for who becomes the President in 2011.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo. com, 08036070980.

The Ministers Dr. Goodluck Jonathan Needs

Now that Acting President Goodluck Jonathan has finally dissolved the Executive Council of the Federation. Hopes are high that he would bring on board his best choices as new Ministers, thus, asserting full authority and putting a strong personal stamp on the government. The last 15 months remaining for this administration is crucial, this is because Nigerians’ quests for change on how things are done are strong, and their expectations are very high, but will the Acting President make the right selection that would make a difference?

When new Ministers eventually come on board, Dr. Goodluck will have to take full responsibilities of any actions or inaction of the government; as the doors of complain of working with disloyal individuals as Ministers would be completely closed.

However, for Dr. Goodluck to make any difference, he has to move with a speed commensurate with the expectations of Nigerians. The first thing he has to make sure is that; his new set of ministers is not just a team, but a collection of great thinkers- silicon-valley-thinkers; men and women who can move the government with the speed of the imagination of most Nigerians, and their sense of judgment must be centered on the challenges of un-locking the future for ordinary Nigerians. And also bring new thinking and synergy to the public sector's role in providing the needs of all Nigerians.

Dr. Goodluck’s new team has to be a propeller for greater equality of opportunities for all Nigerians. They must be able to build a system that will swing the government away from the traditional methodology of concentrating on only 'off-the-shelves' way of improving our society- each Minister must see himself/herself not only saddled with the responsibility within his/her portfolio; but a team player that would bring new feasible ideas that would trigger development in all spheres of the Nigerian economy- putting in place systems that would eradicate poverty by uplifting individuals, fight crimes with employments and opportunities rather than guns, axes, bows and arrows and fight official corruption the ways it ought to be and bring dynamism into governance.

This is the time for Nigeria to leapfrog the ladder development. It is sad that, for the past three years, Nigeria has not had a new thinking and fresh approach to governance. The country is thirsty for men and women of innovative ideas. Dr. Goodluck’s new set of ministers must be a team that will be an engine-room to provide broad variety of services to Nigerians, ranging from health and social programs, to defence, electricity, police protection, maintaining a sound legal system, and the provision of physical infrastructure including the re-invigoration of the education system, building of small scale industries and farms, roads construction and human capital development.

However, all these mentioned cannot be achieved without true political reform- a political re-engineering that would make the leadership to all the times think with the speed of the expectations of Nigerians and gradually institutionalise political, economic and social order in the society.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

World Water Day (WWD) 2010: Africa is Thirsty

The year 2010 World Water Day (WWD) is significant to Africa’s poor population. The event will hold in Nairobi, Kenya, on 22nd March 2010, as Africa is the world’s most thirsty continent. The theme of this year’s campaign is ‘Clean Water for a Healthy World’ and its overall goal is envisaged to raise awareness about sustaining healthy ecosystems and human well-being through addressing the increasing water quality challenges in water management and also raise the profile of water quality by encouraging governments, organizations, communities, and individuals around the world to actively engage in proactively addressing water quality e.g. in pollution prevention, clean up and restoration.

The population of Africa is growing at a geometric rate, but public access to basic needs including water supply is not. With millions of Africans coping with scarcity of clean, portable and affordable water, African policy makers should always remember that, water scarcity and population growth are two correlating issues.

WWD campaign is very important to rural communities, especially those in Africa, as the attention of the world will turn to their plight in the area of clean water supply and sanitation, as well as ring a bell to those in authority of their responsibilities to rural areas.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution A/RES/47/193 of 22 December 1992 by which 22nd March of each year was declared World Day for Water, which was first observed in 1993, in conformity with the recommendations of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) contained in Chapter 18 (Fresh Water Resources) of Agenda 21.

Availability of clean water is a fundamental issue for socio-economic development of every nation, as Africa’s population is swelling in a geometric rate, there must be an increased effort in developing clean water allocation strategy, because as population and development increases, the quest by the public, especially the poor for clean, portable and affordable water for domestic use, increases.

Millions of Africans have no access to clean and portable water; coping with water scarcity is a challenging responsibility that requires decision makers to bringing water related issues to the top of political agenda. It is generally believed that poor communities suffer the greatest burden from inadequate water supply, but in Africa, poor communities, rural and urban areas are facing the dilemma of coping with scarcity of clean water.

For millions of Africans, the end of one tedious day marks the beginning of another, the first thing that comes to the minds of millions of Africans in the early morning of every day is where to get clean water. From rural to urban areas, women and children have to travel long distances to quench their thirst. As a result, many cannot go to school or go to school late. African children hoped for a life free of disease, but today, millions are battling with water-borne diseases, some are blinded while many are crippled. At childhood, waking–up in the morning, picking a container, rushing to queue or search for water is an activity that millions of African children think it is their culture and tradition, but in later part of their lives they realize is not. African governments have for a longtime, not made the provision of this commodity that everybody uses every day a priority.

UN World Water Development Report revealed that, in most of the largest cities in Africa, less than 10% of their inhabitants have sewer connections; only 10 to 30% of all urban households’ solid wastes are collected, the continent houses 13% of the world’s population that is without access to improved water supplies and sanitation, Africa has large disparities in water availability, and the lowest water supply in the world, despite the fact that, Africa houses four out of the five biggest water reservoirs in the world: Owen Falls located in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, Nasser in Egypt, Kariba in Zambia and Zimbabwe, and the Volta in Ghana

The United Nations General Assembly in 2003 proclaimed the years 2005 to 2015 as the international decade for action ‘Water for Life’; these commitments include the Millennium Development Goals to reduce by half the proportion of people without access to safe drinking water by 2015 and to stop unsustainable exploitation of water resources. At the World Summit in Johannesburg in 2002, two other goals were adopted: to aim to develop integrated water resource management and water efficiency plans by 2005 and to halve, by 2015, the proportion of people who do not have access to basic sanitation. There are no signs that Africa is on the path of achieving this, because of uncontrolled growing population, wide spread scarcity of clean and portable water, poor access to sanitation and health, limping capacity-building, inadequate financing and little or poor advocacy, poor resources management and unreliable energy.

With a population of nearly a billion people, with an average human water consumption of four litres a day, Africans need at least four billion litres of clean water a day! Although population growth projections are uncertain, but soaring rate of population growth is typical of most sub-Saharan African countries.

Political leaders who get water by a touch of a tap or squeezing of a bottle’s cap, need to know the world water day celebration has to go beyond conferences and seminars, and populations census have to be repositioned to serve only developmental purposes especially in planning for strategies in allocation of safe water. It is believed that demand for water doubles as population grows. Therefore, Africa’s strategy for provision of safe, portable and affordable water must take into reflection population growth.

For Africa’s political leaders to effectively address the increasing water quality challenges in water management and stop the increasing number of African children being decimated by water-borne diseases, a proactive and pragmatic safe water provision programme most be put in place. There is a clear need for a system that would give the poor access to clean and portable water sources that are reliable, dependable, maintainable and responsive to population growth.

As the world gathers in Africa to celebrate WWD 2010, those attending the conferences and seminars will quench their thirst by the squeeze of a bottle’s lid, while for millions of Africans to quench theirs, they have to travel hundreds of kilometers in search for water.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

Lamido Dr. Aliyu Musdafa: 1922-2010

late Dr. Aliyu Musdafa (centre)

The people of Adamawa Emirate and indeed Nigerians were in a mournful mood in the evening hours of Saturday, 13th March 2010. Dr Aliyu Musdafa, the longest serving Lamido of Adawawa passed away. Dr. Aliyu Musdafa, who would have been 88 years by April, was a spiritual and Islamic leader by nature and father of all by socialization. From the ordinary man on the street, to the elites, he was referred to as BABA. The father of all is no more today!

The late Lamido has left an indelible legacy; he maintained social harmony among his heterogeneous subjects. For the nearly six decades he steered Adamawa emirate, he extended his hands beyond the border of Islam, maintaining a balance between Muslims and Christians in his domain. For instance, Adamawa emirate has traditional titleholders from diverse ethnic, religious, educational and social background. Late Dr. Aliyu Musdafa exhibited the character of a Statesman; he spread love and compassion within his domain. He was a man that loved his people and his people loved him. It was attested by a prominent member in the inner caucus of Adamawa Emirate, Alh. Muhammadu Barkindo Aliyu Musdafa, the first sons of the Lamido, who is also the Ciroman Adamawa, he said: “the Lamido was an epitome of peace, who seek feedback about his domain from the ordinary people perspective”

Born in 1922, Dr Aliyu Musdafa was turbaned as the 11th Lamido of Adamawa on 26th July 1953; he received the staff of office from Governor Sir Bryan Sherwood-Smith of the British colonial Administration. The Lamido was instrumental in the transformation of the emirate. For the 57 years he was Lamido, he helped preserved the culture and traditions of Adamawa people, and also embraced modernization; the Lamido’s palace is today a modern edifice and also houses the Fombina Museum; where all historical monuments of the emirate are on display, and the historic Modibbo Adama mosque beautifully reconstructed. His leadership and record as one among the longest serving emirs in Nigeria, has helped in ushering a new era in Adamawa state and Nigeria as a whole.

The Adamawa emirate was founded in 1806, by Modibbo Adama bin Ardo Hassana, a disciple of Othman Danfodio. Modibbo Adama bin Ardo Hassana was born in 1771 and ruled the Emirate from 1806 to 1847, he had 11 Sons and 4 Daughters. Some of his sons later ruled the Emirate. Lamido Muhammad Lawal bin Adama who was born in 1797, was the second Lamido of Adamawa, he ruled the emirate for 25 years from 1847 to 1872. The third Lamido was Lamido Umaru Sanda bin Adama, he ruled the emirate for 18 years from 1872 to 1890, and he died in 1890. The fourth Lamido was Lamido Zubeiru bin Adama, he ruled the emirate for only 3 years from 1890 to 1903, he died on 25th February 1903. The fifth Lamido was Lamido Bobbo Ahmadu bin Adama who died in 1916. The sixth Lamido was Lamido Muhammad Yarima Iya Bin Sanda. The seventh Lamido was Lamido Muhammad Abba bin Bobbo Ahmadu he ruled the emirate for 14 years from 1910 to 1924, he died on 23rd August 1924. Eighth on the throne was Lamido Muhammad Bello bin Ahmadu, who died in 1928 after reigning for 4 years from 1924 to 1928. The ninth Lamido was Lamido Muhammad Mustafa bin Abba who ruled the emirate for 18 years, he was born in 1900 and died in 1946, and the tenth Lamido was Lamido Yarima Ahmadu bin Muhammad Bello he rules for 7 years from 1946 to 1953.

Late Dr. Lamido Aliyu Musdafa was born in Yola. He received his education at Yola Elementary School and Yola Middle School (1936-1943). He worked at the Adamawa Native Authority in 1943 and was appointed the Chief of Police in Adamawa Province in 1945 with the title of Wali. After eight years of supervising the force, Aliyu Musdafa was selected as Lamido following the deposition of Lamido Ahmadu Maigari. Dr. Aliyu Musdafa was an exemplary leader, as well as a true Nigerian, who believed in one Nigeria. His old age didn’t deter him from attending his farms at Yola, Girei, Ngurore, Mandere and Bole. Late Dr. Aliyu Musdafa together with Alh. Ado Bayaro the Emir of Kano, Alh. Bashir Usman the Emir of Katsina had served with devotion the old Northern-Nigeria native police popularly called Dan-Doka. . During his stint as the Lamido, he served under 13 Heads of State since independence and witnessed several constitutional changes and political reforms. Most of all, his tenure had witnessed an era of peace and stability in the emirate. He was on record to have made tremendous contributions to the Northern House of Chiefs where he served as a member of the Public Accounts Committee. He was also a member of the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation. He was also a member of the Council of Chiefs in North-Eastern State, 1967-1976. When Gongola State was created in 1976, he was made President of the Council of Chiefs. In 1979, in accordance with the provisions of the new constitution, he was appointed to the National Council of States by virtue of his position as President of the State Council of Chiefs. Following the upgrading of second class traditional rulers to first class status by the former Governor of Adamawa State, Mr. Boni Haruna in 2005, Lamido Adamawa was designated the Premier Ruler of Adamawa State.

Late Dr. Aliyu Musdafa, the 11th Lamido of Adawawa will be remembered for his philosophy of non-discrimination, dialogue and entrenchment of peace, love and honesty. Those were the components that marked his 57 years as Lamido of Adamawa. May Allah grant him Paradise, Ameen.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980

2011: Nigeria Needs a Strong President

What is the cause of the current messy political situation in Nigeria? The answer is anybody’s guess- the absent of strong leadership in the presidency; perhaps, a leadership that could have produced spiralling domino effect. It appears both President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Acting President Jonathan Goodluck are not on top of issues of statecraft when it comes to critical political situation; especially the one Nigeria is in today. This is not an attempt at casting aspersion on them, or suggesting that they should have applied iron-hands in their styles of leadership, but it seems they have allowed their subordinates to dictate their course of actions or inactions.

Though, some school of thought may argue that, it is Nigeria’s peculiar political environment and the prevailing political situation in the country that forced the two leaders to appear too submissive to their subordinates. However, political pundits are of the view that, strong leadership know no particular situation.

There is no doubt that, both Yar’Adua and Goodluck are gentlemen of no refute and their stints as Governors have offered them some kind of training on quality leadership. But, since November 23, 2009, when President Yar’Adua left Nigeria to Saudi Arabia, to the day of his return on February 24, 2010, there is strong belief in Nigeria, that some people around the President are the ones dictating the actions or inaction of the President. On the other hand, Acting President Jonathan Goodluck’s actions and inactions from day-one of the current political crisis portrays him as too simple. Some commentators are of the view that, before his confirmation as Acting President, had Dr. Goodluck from day-one of the President’s absent, shown to Nigerians that he is in-charge, the country could have avoided the untidy political situation of which has brought confusion as to who is in-charge of the nation’s affairs, as well as prevented people from taking advantage of the situation. , we must although, admit that, Dr. Goodluck has to tread carefully to avoid plunging the country into a big political crisis. The big question here is, does Yar’Adua really know what is happening in the country? Taking into consideration that the Nigerian public has not seen Yar’Adua since September 23, when he left Nigeria and neither was he seen on the day of his return- making his whereabouts remains speculative.

Assuming the current situation was during the Obasanjo/Atiku, Buhari/Idiagbon, IBB, or Gen. Murtala administration, it would not have become this messy despite their shortcomings, because these were strong men. For instance, if it was Obasanjo, no one could have caged him from seeing or to be seen by people, not even being bungled back to the country when he is not prepared to. In addition, had it been that it was former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, from day-one, no one would need to be told he is sitting-in for the President

The current messy political situation in Nigeria has taught Nigerians a political lesson. In the up-coming 2011 elections, the country must vote and insist for a strong leader. Though, the Nigerian political environment has so much been polluted with issues that lack political progressivism, especially when it comes to who occupies the seat of the President.

It has now become rule within the Nigerian political class that who occupies the office of the President of Nigeria must fulfil some bizarre conditions- the north-south dichotomy; Muslims–Christians difference, the Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani, Igbo unhealthy race and the most disgusting issue is, one has to belong to a certain clique.

Though, Nigeria being a heterogeneous society and also an ethno-religious sensitive country, balanced power structure is desirable. It can also be said that the north-south issue especially as regards the presidency of Nigeria has been in existence for long time in Nigeria. But Nigerians have proved that all they need is good leadership, MKO Abiola won throughout the country despite the fact that he ran for the presidency on a Muslim-Muslim ticket, Gen. Murtala is an indisputable Nigerian hero and Nigerian throughout the country are today celebrating Gov. Fashola of Lagos State.

As earlier said, Nigeria being a heterogeneous society that is sensitive to some issues, balancing of power structure between the federating units is good, but it shouldn’t be at the detriment of good leadership. However, the disappointment is, it has now escalated to a dangerous path; the rule has been extended to states, local government and even wards elections. Today, ethnic, religious and geographical divides are louder than competency and good manifestoes in the Nigerian political sphere.

Few months from now, Nigeria will elect a new President, there is hope that Nigerians can turn things around and insist and vote for a strong President regardless of ethnic, religious or geographical considerations. A president with the ability to inspire enthusiasm in Nigerians with just a wink of an eye, an individual with vision for the future , who can go extra mile to get things done, one that can differentiate between reality and smokescreen and also remain positive in the public eye, no matter what the situation may be. When Nigeria has such a president development issues will quickly replace mundane ones in our polity. Though, for Nigeria to have such a President come 2011, we need an environment that breeds success. Electoral reforms and strong institutions are the keys needed to create such an environment.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

The North and Goodluck Jonathan Presidency

It is no news that Goodluck Ebele Jonathan is fully in-charge as the Acting President of the Federal Republic Nigeria. But the high-wired political intrigues, manoeuvres and horse-trading that heralded his emergence as the Acting President will continue to deepen as well as become very interesting. As events unfold, political pundits and students of history will have a lot to comment on, learn from and also use to predict things to come, while ordinary Nigerians will watch with keen interest.

The emergence of Yar’Adua as the President of Nigeria was a product of many factors. One of the main factors was the unwritten ‘agreement’ of power rotation between the north and south, which many observers see as undemocratic and also an offshoot of the never-ending ploy by the Nigerian political elites to continue to hold on to power, but it supporters described idea as the only way-out for all parts of the country to taste power.

Goodluck Jonathan’s Acting Presidency and the likelihood of him becoming the President will interweave within three issues; the return or otherwise of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, the North’s political moves and Goodluck’s political future.

The north would be the epicentre of politics to come. Since the emergence of the facts about President Yar’Adua’s health status, political gladiators in the region are busy putting their political machinery to action by building networks and strategising for the 2011 presidential election, believing that the probability of Yar’Adua seeking a second term is very slim. There is strong feeling within the political class in the north, that the region must hold on to power till 2015 based on the aforementioned unwritten agreement, but most observers are quick to remind the political elites from the north that during the 2003 elections which was the turn of the south to complete their eight years in power, the same north fielded candidates to seek the office of the President.

Let’s assume all things being equal, and the north is allowed to go solo; is the political class in the region ready to make amends and present a candidate that would bring dynamisms and also exhibit an understanding of global trends? The north had made a serious mistake by allowing Obasanjo to pick his choice to represent it, because the region had the political power to block Obasanjo then. Though, the beauty of this remains a lesson to other regions when their ‘turn’ comes.

Now that it appears the north is slowly losing the Presidency, Acting President Goodluck Jonathan will be closely watched by the region; in addition, his actions and inactions will be thoroughly read by the northern political class. In return, the Acting President has to face the north with two calculations in his mind. The first; he has to keep in his mind the likelihood of the return of his boss, Yar’Adua, in this case, Jonathan will employ his usual tactic of being Mr. Patient. So, those that are expecting him to go bananas will be disappointed. But if he eventually becomes the President, he has to play the imitable- approach the north through political manoeuvring that requires reaching painstaking political agreement and concessions. Politics, they say, is all about give and take.

However, if Yar’Adua returns, Jonathan’s political calculations will definitely change. As earlier mentioned, the man must have been playing his politics with two things in mind, the return or otherwise of his boss. If Yar’Adua returns, Jonathan’s calculations must be on how to remain the Vice President, regardless of who will be the presidential candidate that will be presented by the north. Though, the feeling in many quarters is, the likelihood of Yar’Adua going for second term is slim. But is Yar’Adua ready to allow the north to represent another candidate for the 2011 presidential elections. If the north presents another candidate, there is no grantee he/she will do only one term of four years, so as to allow the south takeover, thus jeopardising Acting President Goodluck Jonathan chance of becoming President after the north might have finished its two terms.

If Yar’Adua do not eventually return, and in the end Acting President Goodluck Jonathan becomes the President, there is nothing that can stop him from seeking election into the office of the President, in fact many political elites from the north will campaign for him if they see the possibilities of their interests being promoted. In that case, high-wired politics that involves manoeuvres and horse-trading will be employed. Another possible scenario is, if Jonathan performs excellently, this will give him the advantage of winning the heart of Nigerians. He may also use the leverage of being the President and impose himself in 2011 as the President using the machinery of the State.

Acting President Goodluck Jonathan’s political future will be determined by four issues, the first and the most important is the return or otherwise of President Yar’Adua, the second is the political direction of the north, the third is his political intention and his ability to craftily play the usual Nigerian politics, while the fourth which is also closely tied to the first is his performance in office. Acting President Goodluck Jonathan has found himself in a situation that both politics and policies may determine his political future. To see him through, he has to take careful political steps and intelligent policies, these require more than good luck!

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo. com, 08036070980.

Between Atiku and Boni Haruna

Between Atiku and Boni Haruna

Political pundits always say politics makes strange bedfellows. The apparent growing bumpy political-relationship between former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the former Governor of the Adamawa State, Boni Haruna, is a proof to this old political saying.

Atiku and Boni have together made a long political journey. They both have enjoyed the fruits and also tasted the bitter parts of the journey. Their political relationship can be traced back to Atiku’s early days in politics- the former Vice President needed highly educated young men to be part of his political team, and Boni fitted in. Well, that was history, as many things have happened.

Today’s frosty political-relationship between Atiku and Boni Haruna is generating comments from three groups: Atiku’s political disciples, Boni’s followers and students of politics. Atiku’s sympathisers are of the opinion that, Boni Haruna has exhibited a character of an ingrate, they stressed that, it was by Atiku’s grace he became the Governor of Adamawa State. They were also quick to point-out the fact that, Atiku made Boni politically. From being a journalist to being Personal Assistant to former Gov. Jolly Nyame during the SDP days, and later picked him as his deputy when Atiku contested for Governor of Adamawa State. Atiku also stood firm by him to be the Governor, when he Atiku was selected by Obasanjo to be his deputy.

On the other hand, Boni’s followers are of the view that, Boni has done for Atiku, what some sons cannot do their fathers. They said Boni has given to Atiku an unalloyed loyalty during his difficult political moment- the famous Obasanjo-Atiku saga. They are also quick to point-out that, had it been, Boni pitched camp with Obasanjo during that time, Boni would get whatever he wanted from Obasanjo, including the keys to controlling Adamawa Politics. Boni’s follower always conclude that, “Boni was there for Atiku when he Atiku needed him most, but Atiku was not there for Boni, when he Boni needed just a little of him”



From another perspective, students of politics see the situation through the prisms of political calculations; they opined that, after the 2007 general elections, Atiku made some wrong political calculations. They believe that his failure to take advantage of the ‘PDM umbrella’ and negotiate with Yar’Adua to secure Adamawa politics to the advantage of his political group was a big blunder. Atiku could have taken the advantage of that moment that the PDP and Yar’Adua valued and dreaded him politically- i.e. before the Supreme Court judgment on his case against Yar’Adua’s election. Atiku’s solo trip was fruitless, because he disregarded intelligent political advice from people like Boni.



The political relationship between Atiku and Boni Haruna is very important in the political sphere of Adamawa State because of so many reasons: Atiku is a political power house in Adamawa. During his sway as Vice-President; his adored political son, Boni Haruna, got the privilege of becoming an important branch of Atiku’s political tentacles in Adamawa Sate. So, political groups in Adamawa will naturally have strong interest in Atiku and Boni political relationship.



As the 2011 election approaches and political activities continue to unfold, if Atiku and Boni finally go on separated political platforms; the duo will for certain employ five strategies to consolidate their positions and checkmate each other’s political moves. Atiku will employ three, while Boni will make use of two. Among Atiku’s three strategies is, he will try as much as he can to ignore Boni politically, employing that as a proof to the world that he and Boni are no political equals. Secondly, he will utilise both his financial and political muscles to checkmate Boni, while the third and the most significant is; Atiku will try to religiously maintain his followers in the AC and also attract new ones.



Boni’s two strategies will be: he will form a strong alliance with the PDP and also with the current government in Adamawa State, this will be for one reason, to attract many politicians from the AC, his former political appointees and other politicians who for long wanted to join the PDP and the government in Adamawa, but whom absence of a leader to lead them has hindered them. Boni’s second strategy will be using the aforementioned alliance to send a signal to the government at the centre and PDP at the national level, that he has great political clout to make him a factor in strengthening PDP’s grip of Adamawa.



Both Atiku and Boni will succeed if they cleverly use these strategies; however, the duo have certain roadblocks to dismantle in order to pull through. The PDP in Adamawa is seriously fragmented; Boni has to make some error-free calculations to avoid political suicide. For him to succeed, he has to apply two laws of power: Law 19: Know who you’re dealing with and Law 20: Do not commit to anyone.



For Atiku, he has to keep in his mind that many of his political supporters were use to be close to the corridor of powers, they are very thirsty for that, Boni’s move may be an eye opener for them, so, Atiku should expect that not all of them will swim and sink with him. Second law of power will work for him. Never put too much trust in friends, learn how to use enemies.

Who will be the winners of this seeming love-loss between Atiku and Boni? Three people of course: Boni’s former political appointees, the PDP in Adamawa state and some members of Atiku’s political family who want to always be at the centre of mainstream politics. While the losers are two people: Atiku and Boni, they will lose one thing, political-friendship.

However, political pundits are quick to point-out that, this kind of political game is not strange; it is an integral part of politicking. As the politics of 2011 is thickening, any politician that doesn’t play ‘politics’ with politics, he is like what Italian politicians refer to as ‘Nonentity Politico’. Politics, they say, is all about interest.



Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

Little Things Can Make A Difference

Simons Kolawale’s Little Ideas That Mean Much, in his Sunday column in the Thisday Newspapers of 20th December, 2009, and Mahmud Jega’s Ten Outsourcings in his Monday column in the Daily Trust of 4th January, 2009, have drawn the attention of Nigerians to one issue- the missing things in Nigeria’s development efforts. There is strong consensus among Nigerians that something very important is lacking in Nigeria’s effort to attend an appreciable level of development.
What is completely missing in the leadership style of Nigerian political headship, is, attending to the basic things by employing ‘small things’. In Nigeria, the love for holistic approach to programmes, projects and setting-up of systems and institutions is very glaring. Nigeria’s policy formulators, bureaucrats and the political class find holistic approach irresistible. The leadership of the Nigerian state adores ‘carrying the camel and its loads’.
Though, the whole represents more than the sum of its parts, but the use of holistic approach in conceiving or building systems in Nigeria have proven to be a failure. For instances, Nigeria’s electricity sector was conceived based on a holistic idea- the former NEPA was saddled with the responsibility of generating, transmitting, distribution and marketing of electricity in the country, the result was; the present electricity crisis in the country. Other examples are: the urban water supply in Nigeria was built on the idea of holistic approach (a series-water-system) for an entire state. Whenever there is failure at a point, the entire state’s water supply crumbles. The structures of the federal government of Nigeria, from tip to toe were built on a holistic idea. The result is, a federal system in which the centre is overwhelmed with so many responsibilities.
Though, this is not an attempt to discredit the idea of the use of holistic approach as a tool in tackling Nigeria’s development. Rather, the approach should be used in identifying and defining Nigeria’s numerous problems. If the current style in tackling development issues in Nigeria is not yielding the desired results, as expected, then what is the alternative?-The use of reductionisms, perhaps. The time has come for Nigeria’s political class to embrace the governance-style which entails attending to the basic things by employing ‘small things’. This tactic was the backbone of China’s Chairman Mao, 1958, The Great Leap Forward, which China is today benefiting from. However, we must quickly acknowledge that a complete copycatting of Chairman Mao’s idea may not necessary be the solution to Nigeria’s infrastructural and other nagging problems. Nigeria’s leadership can employ a kind of middle-line approach— an approach that has to encompass new thinking, new strategy, new concept maps, that will completely aid in shifting away from the traditional way development is approached. Nigeria needs a new development strategy where development in agriculture, road, education, electricity, healthcare, water supply, youth development and the bloated federal system are tackled through ‘segmentation of the various sector into their smallest unit’, then a head-on tackling of each unit with the participation of all the three tiers of government- applying ‘small things’ approach, one may say.
Nigeria has a good number of superb agricultural policies and programmes, but implementation has been a major problem. Implementation has been difficult because the federal government has always wanted to do everything- formulator of policies and programmes, implementer, owner of the land, the importer of farm implements, producer and distributor of fertilizers and so on and so forth. This is not saying that the government at the centre shouldn’t be part of all these. But a kind of reductionistic approach is needed. An arrangement that will allow the federal, state, local governments and private sector play a specific role that will trigger community participation and the feel of ownership. Take for instance, an agricultural project that will make youth participation the centre-point of its implementation. A project that will initiate the participation of graduates as entrepreneurs; where local councils give the land, the state governments offer all the necessary extension services while the federal government provides collateral/surety for financial institutions to make available the necessary fund. This will reduce the number of tasks each tier of government will do and also allow concentration on such task, as well as promote true generation of wealth through agriculture.
Nigeria has about 108,000km of roads, the largest in West Africa and the second largest in South Saharan-Africa. However, these roads are poorly maintained. This is not because of the complete absence of funds, but a slipup on how to tackle road maintenance. Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA) and some states’ road maintenance agencies have initiated many rehabilitation projects, but it appears their efforts are not yielding result. FERMA has introduced a very good initiative on road maintenance, the siting of road camps in some locations on Nigeria’s federal highways, but it seems the idea died from birth. The road camps were mere two-room blocks, without the necessary tools, facilities and manpower required of a road camp that would assist maintenance engineers, superintendents and foremen to perform their works in accordance with correct and efficient fundamentals. Had these road camps been properly setup, they would have brought about easy detection of road defects such potholes, ruts, gullies and soft spots on unpaved roads, as well as automatically introduced reductionism into Nigeria’s roads maintenance programmes, as each road camp will concentrate only on a specific kilometers on a particular federal highway. Though whatever method is used, when roads repair is done correctly, the repair will last a long time. Done poorly, it can soon become a growing expense.
This writer is a strong advocate of private sector greater participation in managing Nigeria’s public schools. But not a ‘bulldozer’ kind of participation, where government will entirely surrender these schools to private entrepreneurs- hence students; teachers and parent would be at the mercy of private hands. Nigeria needs a ‘measured’ public private partnership, where government builds new schools, equips old ones, then takes a benchmark from a well-run private school on what it cost per student head in running a school; then a gradual entrusting of public schools to private sector, where government provides the funds, taking into cognizance cost per student; as it is in private, while the private sector manages it especially in the area of infrastructures maintenance, provision of teaching tools, management of training programmes for teachers - hence, our educational system will be run efficiently, new sustainable jobs will be created and government get will relief from deadweight. This suggestion may appear odd, but a honest look at all the three tiers of government budgetary spending per student head, for sure it will exceeds the amount the best schools in Nigeria charge per student head.
Same idea can be applied to Nigeria’s healthcare sector. There is complete absence of health insurance for majority of Nigerians, except the current health insurance scheme for government employees and some private firms entering contracts with private health care providers. This scheme benefits less than one percent of Nigerians. Healthcare provision in Nigeria is a concurrent responsibility of the three tiers of government in the country. However, the state of healthcare in Nigeria has been worsened by a shortage of doctors, poor facilities and the most important, the shortage of drugs and poor attention to primary healthcare. Since Nigeria operates a mixed economy and corruption in government has not allowed availability of drugs and adequate maintenance of healthcare facility. Private providers of healthcare have a visible role to play in Nigeria healthcare delivery. Time has come for Nigeria to adopt Public Private Partnership in its healthcare sector. The government should equip old hospitals; build new one, then gradually handover their management to private healthcare provider. The government provides funding and effective monitoring, while the private sector manages it. This will enhance availability of drugs, eliminate corruption and bring continues improvement, as there will be competition among the private healthcare providers on quality of patient care, enhanced healthcare facilities and of course affordability. Though, this kind of collaborative approach to healthcare requires a painstaking laying-down of procedures, regulations, and management structures.

Since Nigeria’s big approach to development efforts has failed. Time has come to test the ‘Reductionism Approach’- attending to the basic things by employing small things. It may be a silver bullet.
Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

Re-Invigorating The NYSC

The Punch Newspaper of Thursday, February 12th 2009, carried a story on its page 11, with a caption: ‘Wear NYSC Uniforms During Crisis’; the story goes as follows: “The Delta State Coordinator, National Youth Service Corps, Mrs. Edith Nweke, has asked youth corps members in their various places of primary assignment to wear NYSC uniforms as a mark of identification during crisis situation. The uniforms, according to her, communicate unity, peace and stability and are capable of protecting lives of corps members when danger looms, especially during communal clashes. Nweke in an exclusive interview with our (The Punch) correspondent in Asaba, said wearing the uniforms would also make warring parties to perceive serving members as neutral in time of conflicts.”

This writer is of the opinion that millions of Nigerians were in complete disagreement with the Delta State coordinator of the NYSC. This is because, once there is a crisis, whether communal, political or ethno-religious, the bloodthirsty perpetrators of such crisis and the stray bullets that fly around during crisis would not differentiate a person wearing the NYSC uniform from others. Apart from these, the trauma of being caught at such places and the apprehension corps members’ family members go through is another thing.

The NYSC of today is a mirror image of the present day Nigeria- it is so much engulfed by uncertainties; but there is hope for it revival. Anger with bitterness, pessimisms with despair and optimisms with little hope are today trailing the NYSC. The recent Jos crisis has brought out Nigerians’ diverse perceptions of today’s NYSC. The reason for that is absolutely not only the heart-saddening Jos crisis; but an indication that what we have is not what ought to be.

The National Youth Service Corps Decree No.24 of 22nd May 1973 which has now been repealed and replaced by Decree 51 of 16th June 1993, established the NYSC in a bid to reconstruct, reconcile and rebuild the country after the Nigerian civil war, with a view to the proper encouragement and development of common ties among the youths of Nigeria and the promotion of national unity; this was to inculcate in Nigerian youths the spirit of selfless service to communities, and to emphasize the spirit of oneness and brotherhood of all Nigerians, irrespective of cultural, religious or social background.

Has the NYSC achieved the objectives for which it was set-up? Is the scheme relevant to the present realities in the Nigerian society and the world at large? If one is optimistic about the scheme, one has to know that, what we have, is it what ought to be. At the same time, those that are pessimistic about the future and the relevance of the scheme in the present day Nigeria, have to know there are considerably some rooms for the restructuring of the scheme.

The NYSC has to be restructured in cognizance of the current Nigerian and global realities– especially as it relates to the economic uplift of the Nigerian youths. Time has come for the NYSC to be the engine room for in-depth research with a holistic approach to identify youth issues; marshal youth participation in the Nigerian economy and equip them with knowledge and skills to face emerging issues in the context of globalisation. Let the NYSC, in this ‘New World’’, be the springboard for the Nigerian Graduates to effectively participate in the global economy.
The scheme has to pull itself from the mentality of the regimental ‘by the left, quick march!’ approach - i.e. the situation where much emphasis is given to the two weeks orientation camp; after which corps members are left at the mercy of their primary employers and the harsh environment they may find themselves.

The one year national service should, and must be beyond the primary assignment, where more than 90 percent of corps members end up being discouraged and go through stern hardship; because only those that have the opportunity to serve in private sector get the chance to learn some new skills, practical walkthroughs and sound decision-making process.
The NYSC scheme has to be re-modified and its workings restructured so that it would serve as an apex organisation for the sensitisation and empowerment of Graduates to embrace the challenges of the complex world.

The first step is for the scheme to search for partners- both local and multinationals companies, for its funding and running of programmes such as establishment of invention and innovation centres. There are quite a number of private sector players who would be willing to contribute to that. The Nigerian Universities chunk out thousand of Computer Software Engineers, Operation Researchers, Applied Scientists, Designers, Agric-Engineers etc every year. These invention and innovation centres can serve as employers of corps members, at the same time as an avenue to train them for the larger world. Private sector players who are to manage these centres would also make the most of them in their R& D and for recruitment of fresh hands.

Another way which the scheme can use to re-define its objectives is in the area of effective revitalisation of the Corps Members Farming Project. This aspect of the scheme should be invigorated. The farms should be transformed into large scale farms, where corps members from different disciplines would apply their knowledge to manage them. However, the project has to be continuous and sustainable, i.e. a framework should be put in place so that commercial banks and other institution can come in.

As earlier mentioned, the NYSC should be restructured in such a way that it becomes the stepping-stone for the Nigerian Graduates to have skills; true knowledge on productive and profitable work environment; personal financial education; know-how on managing income and how to plan ahead and manage small projects. To achieve this, the NYSC needs a management that knows itself and what it stands for and do what is right. A management that is resourceful; courageous, corrupt-free and has an uncanny ability optimally taps youth’s constructive and creative energies and develops their personality and entrepreneurial skills.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980

New Approach To Salvaging The Education Sector

It is no more news, Nigeria is witnessing systems deterioration. The most worrying and one that requires urgent, systematic and systemic attention, is the education sector.

The confusion, lack of stability and misdirection in the Nigerian education sector has reached a stage that the sector needs a radical restructuring and galvanization composing of reforms similar to that of Soviet Union 1980’s Glasnost and Perestroika reforms; the 1947 European Recovery Program,- The Marshall Plan and China’s Chairman Mao, 1958,The Great Leap Forward. Perhaps, one may sound as an alarmist; but we need such kind of reforms in order to further liberalize the sector, recreate and rebuild its hitherto strong foundation and bring new ideas and thinking to policy planning and effective management of the sector.

Nigeria has for the several years formulated quite a number of education policies. The country has organised so many seminars and conferences, collected voluminous proposals and blueprints from both local and international experts, on how to salvage the education sector. Does it mean that all those past efforts were not in the right direction? Of course not, what was missing was the leadership’s political will, and the right team to push the right button. Though, this not a call for the usual way Nigerian government does things. It is a known fact that from the late 80’s, public schools in Nigeria, have been bewildered by perpetual labour disputes, government incessant revision of the education curriculum, constant amending of schools calendar, and the seeming joy in altering and introducing new policies in the education system.

There is a huge hole in the heart of our education system. Thus, as nation, we dearly need a means that can finally construct a plan that will solve the continuously increasing problems in our education system. We really need a shift in the way our schools are run. And we have to put up a system that will provide adequate funding and help in improving the standard and quality of both teachers and students; a system that will completely aid in shifting away from the tradition- where government is the provider, administrator, monitor and assessor of how fund are utilized. Though, he who pays the piper calls the tune.

Nigeria as a nation has three options on how to breathe life into the education sector: first is outright government shouldering of the management of the sector; the second is leaving everything to the private sector; while the third option is opting for Public Private Partnership.
The first option, i.e. outright government shouldering the management of the education sector seems to have failed, largely due to corruption and mismanagement, because the system has worked before. During the 50’s 60’s and even early 70’s the Nigerian education system has clothed, fed, educated and provided readily available jobs for the teaming educated Nigerians. However, the irony is; those who had the benefit of the system, are the ones who destroyed it.
The second option i.e. leaving every thing to private sector hands, should not be in anybody’s mine, as it would be detrimental to the progress of Nigeria. This is because once the education sector is left to the mercy of private hands; many Nigerian children would be shut-out of school, since majority of Nigerians cannot afford the fees charged by privately owned educational institution. Thus the nation would miss the opportunity of developing the best of her human capital.

Looking at the present state of administration of our education system, it seems private sector participation in the sector is inevitable. This writer is a strong advocate of private sector greater participation in managing our public schools; but not a ‘bulldozer’ kind of participation, where government will entirely surrender these schools to private entrepreneurs- thus, students, teachers and parents would be at the mercy of private hands. What we need is, a ‘measured’ Public Private Partnership, where government should build new schools, equip old ones. Then take a benchmark from a well-run private school on what it costs per student-head in running a school; then a gradual entrusting of public schools to private sector, where government provides the funds, taking into cognizance the cost per student; as it is in private scholls, while the private sector manages it especially in the area of infrastructures maintenance, provision of teaching tools, management of training programmes for teachers - hence, our educational system will be run efficiently, new sustainable jobs will be created and government will be relieved from the burden of ‘ carrying the camel and its loads’. This suggestion may appear odd. However, an honest assessment of the budgetary spending per student head by the three tiers of government will for sure for show that the amount spent by the government per student head exceeds the one the best schools in Nigeria charge per student head.

As earlier mentioned, the type of reform, the Nigerian education system needs should be systematic as well as systemic. It has to cover primary, secondary and tertiary schools, at the same give emphasis to prioritization of need. And all the three tiers of government as well as the private sector should participate effectively and efficiently with well-spelled roles to be played by each.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980