Suleiman's Blog: Why we produce illiterate graduates

Suleiman's Blog: Why we produce illiterate graduates: Salisu Suleiman. In a country where a staggering N2.6 trillion was openly stolen in the name of fuel subsidies – including billions...

Why Atiku Register the PDM as a Political Party

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has debunked claims he is behind the recent registration of the People’s Democratic Movement (PDM)as a political party by INEC, but his political associates.Many people do not believe him, it seems.

The PDM has been in existence for nearly 30 years. Atiku was not its founder; he assumed its leadership when the founder, General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, passed away. Why do many people including People’s Democratic Party (PDP) supporters believe that Atiku was the main architect behind the registration of the PDM as a political party? It is believed that, it is part of the calculations to realize his 21 year-old-presidential ambition. But if Atiku is truly behind the registration of the PDM as a political party, what could be his main reasons for doing so?

The merger of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) to form the All Progressive Congress (APC) has certainly narrowed political party platforms in Nigeria; PDM registration is an attempt at widening the political space. Atiku is well-known for his plan B tactics in pursuit of political ambitions. Thus, having anticipated that defeating an incumbent Nigerian President in his party primaries is nearly impossible, the PDP not likely to offer a level playing field for its 2015 presidential primaries- recollecting what took place in the PDP 2011 presidential primaries and with the PDM being controlled by his political associates, Atiku would find the PDM as an alternative platform.Besides, with the current crisis in the PDP, the bubble is expected to burst and aggrieved members who can not join the APC would have the PDM readily available for them.

The registration of the PDM may not be far from an attempt to use the science of politics- apply the42nd Laws of Power- ‘strike the shepherd and the sheep will scatter’. PDM’s registration as a political party may have been a calculation to send a political message to surprise the ruling PDP. To convey to the PDP, that its battle for the2015 general elections would be from many fronts- apart from the APC, it would also have to face the PDM, including losing some of its important members, who are already a fraternity in the PDM. A situation, the PDP, would wish to avoid.

The registration of the PDM may also be on the premise that Atiku intends to smartly use the PDM as a negotiation weapon to gain some political point, if not the PDP presidential ticket. The recent reported meeting between Atiku and PDP national chairman, Bamanga Tukur might have been the upshot of the emergence of the PDM as political party.
Atiku’s home state politics can also be connected to the registration of the PDM as political party. There is a bitter power struggle within the PDP in Adamawa State. Atiku may not want to take chances, despite the fact that, there are many of his loyalists holding positions in the PDP in Adamawa state.

The implication of the emergence of the PDM as a political party would be felt more by the PDP than the other political parties. The PDM is one of the most organized and consistent groups still in the PDP, it has both its conservative and liberal members occupying some sensitive positions in the PDP at national, state and local councils levels. Furthermore, the PDP knows that Atiku is a strong candidate who is already ahead of many would-be presidential contestants in terms of political structure, thorough understanding of national political terrain as well as the capacity to single-handedly take on President Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 presidential elections.

Would the PDM as a political party make any impact in the Nigerian political space?-The strength and future prospect of the PDM as a political party would only emerge in 2014, by then, many political events would have unfolded and things taken shape.Though, many people believe, the PDM wouldn’t make any impact,saying its registration as a political party is blatted, considering the current political scenario. That the PDM would have remained relevant if only it had maintained its previous status- a political movement with united and diverse political minds. A PDM as a political party would for sure face crisis and internal power struggle, similar to that of all the political parties in Nigeria. The registration of the PDM at this particular time will give the party a ‘sole face’- PDM= Atiku’s presidential ambition, which is a bad start for a truly political party.

If Atiku is indeed behind the registration of the PDM as political party- would its platform help the former Vice President realize his presidential ambition? It may or may not. Atiku has immense war chest that easily scares off his opponents, vast political network and connections. The PDM has been in existence for nearly 30 years, it is highly organized with topnotch politicians, but time and Nigerians’ belief that all political parties in the country are same, may be against the PDM.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980.

What is wrong with the Ijaw ethnic group?

By Sabella Abidde 

Several decades before what eventually came to be known as Nigeria emerged in 1914, the Niger Delta region was known for its revolts and protests against iniquities. The British, the Portuguese, and other Europeans who came to the region in search of holy and unholy enterprises had a first-hand experience of the people's anger. But as the country marched toward independence, it became clear that many of its disparate nationalities wanted a different political arrangement- not what colonial-Britain was designing.

Many - especially the Ijaw - did not want to be part of the new nation. They wanted autonomy. Their fears, and the fears and misgivings of many minority groups, can be found in the 1957/58 Willinks Commission Report which detailed the concerns of these groups. Regrettably, post-colonial Nigeria did not fully address many of the problems and challenges expressed. Consequently, almost fifty-three years after independence, many groups still feel stifled and cheated.

The Igbo are not a minority group, nonetheless, many of the factors that led to the 1967-1970 Nigeria-Biafra War can be traced to the inequities expressed in the Willinks Commission Report. One of the absurdities of the Nigerian situation is that 43 years after the war, many of the grievances that were expressed by the Igbo have yet to be fully addressed. It is as if nothing happened: As if there were no grievances and no dehumanising war that brutally claimed untold number of lives and possibilities.

And of course there was the revolt and militancy of Isaac Adaka Boro in the 1960s. He did not think the region and its people were being fairly treated. In the forty-five years since his death, the region has witnessed several cases of peaceful and violent agitation. The most violent of these was the 2005-2009 low intensity conflict between the Ijaw-dominated group, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, MEND, and the Nigerian government. We seem to have forgotten that about a dozen Ijaw-dominated militant and semi-militant groups preceded MEND.

Because the Ijaw are housed in several federating states (Ondo, Delta, Akwa Ibom, Edo, Rivers, and Bayelsa), it is difficult for them to speak with one voice. They've never truly had a central figure like the Hausa, Yoruba or Igbo. Hence, articulating their grievances through a central body or leadership has been difficult. Nonetheless - since the 1970s at least, their complaints have revolved around (1) the suffocating environmental condition caused by oil and gas activities; (2)The high rate of unemployment; (3) the question of oil ownership and how to share the oil wealth; and (4) the lack of federally funded infrastructure.

What's more, there was this unending sense of exclusion and marginalisation when and where political and economic goods are being shared. And of course, there was the issue of state creation. They want more Ijaw states. Added to this mix were the high-handedness, the indifference, and the arrogance of the oil companies.

Despite the creation of the Ijaw-dominated Bayelsa State in 1996, the Ijaw grievances remain the same. In many instances, the local problems have worsened. For instance, the militancy and the subsequent presidential amnesty have given birth to many unanticipated problems, i.e. greed and materialism; kidnappings and assassinations; and social dislocations and general disorder. The militancy/amnesty also gave rise to shady characters.

For instance, we now have men and women who should be hundreds of miles away from the seat of power, but became governors and ministers and commissioners and advisers of some sort. In many Ijaw enclaves, you see half-educated men or stark illiterates with money and new-found power, holding court and dispensing justice or lording it over their superiors. Many more have gone on to become instant millionaires. It is freaky! Years after the militancy "ended," and years after the presidential amnesty began, nothing has changed for the better.

What was the purpose of the MEND-led agitation if the Ijaw were not going to do the right thing afterward? Why did Isaac Boro give his life? Did he die so the Ijaw could betray future generations? Did he and countless Ijaw nationalists sacrifice their lives so malfeasances and avarice can align with Ijaw culture? Today, the Ijaw elite and moneybags are doing to the common man what they accused others of. The theft, the waste, and exploitation of the underclass are at a grander scale than it was in 1999.

In spite of the several billions of naira that have been allocated to Bayelsa State, infrastructure and industry of any kind are negligible. And amongst the states that were created in 1996, it has the least passable roads and the least of the seven elements of basic human needs. Today as it was in 1900, 1945, 1960 and 2000, a sizeable number of the people still drink and bathe from the same river they vomit and defecate in. Where has all the money gone?

As bad as things are for the Ijaw, they have taken on a new persona: unflinching support for their leaders who also happen to be their oppressors. No dissent is allowed. No criticism is allowed. If you do, well, you do so at your own peril. The penalty is usually swift. Otherwise, they assemble a group of foot soldiers to rubbish your good reputation.

For the Ijaw at the federal level, there is a new mantra: "It is our turn to chop and chop and chop." And what if there is no "2015-2019"? Well, the strategy is simple: "A return to the creeks...lower or stop oil production until they acquiesce to our demands." What type of development strategy is this? And who is going to do the next round of fighting? I know this for sure: It won't be the children of the elite who are safely ensconced in Abuja, Lagos, or overseas.

With no short or long -term strategy for development, what will happen to the Ijaw when the oil dries out? And assuming Nigeria breaks up today, what will the Ijaw do the day after? What is their survival and development strategy? After all, grumbling is not a winning strategy; unbridled militancy is not a development strategy; and misguided support and sycophancy have no real place in the modern world.

And so I ask: What is wrong with the Ijaw ethnic group? Have the Ijaw forgotten so soon why they started the protests and the wars? Have their problems gone away? Are the problems being solved? Well, keep stealing and keep misleading the people, the day of reckoning is fast approaching!

culled from www.nigeriavillagesquare.com

The first lady has gone mad again!

By Salisu Suleiman.

The ability to forget is one of the most important, if least acknowledged gifts of man. It is because we are able to forget things that we can go one with life, putting aside memories of lost ones as well as painful recollections of events that would otherwise make the very act of staying alive a struggle, and life, a running agony.

But while the ability to forget has its benefits, not many people learn lessons from life’s experiences. Some – either because they are essentially dense or deliberately obtuse – choose to dare fate. How else can one explain the actions of the president’s wife, Mrs. Patience Jonathan who thought it fit to close Nigeria’s capital down for an entire day, in what basically amounts to a brazen continuation of the campaign for her husband’s reelection?

For someone, who by her account, only just managed to come back from the dead after multiple surgeries and relapses, it seems that Mrs. Jonathan has not learned any lesson from that experience. Or it may be that the gift of forgetfulness has obfuscated her reasoning faculties. For anyone who had anything meaningful to do (like reporting to work to earn legitimate livelihoods) in Abuja, last Thursday was a commuter’s hell. The impunity with which major roads were closed off is a pointer to what Mrs. Jonathan would do if she were to remain in the villa beyond 2015.

As it were, many observers would say Mrs. Jonathan never really stopped campaigning after 2011, but has only changed styles. About two years ago, her attempt to share bags of rice in Abuja ended in fiasco when about 20 Nigerians were trampled to death in the mad struggle that ensured. She has been on a ‘thank you’ tour since the last election, distributing food items, clothing and cash at every stop. Her message: There is more where this came from. Reports suggest that each of the 30,000 women that participated in the Abuja jamboree with a mint-fresh bundle of N100, 000.

If Nigeria were a different country, we might ask where and how Mrs. Jonathan gets the huge funds to oil her ‘generosity’. Did the first lady win a jackpot, or is the jackpot personified in President Jonathan? Did she get an oil license or is she, like her husband, a ‘godmother’ of the oil thieves in the Niger Delta? But those questions would be incredibly naïve, considering that the President’s septuagenarian mother, who could not buy shoes for her children only just recently, donated a multimillion naira hostel to the Federal University, Otuoke.

Whatever the sources of the funds that the president’s wife is using for her nationwide political inducement and from which his mother built and donated a hostel to the university, the conspiracy of silence in the media, civil society and even some opposition parties would only lend moral authority to this mentality of ‘it is my time, and there is nothing you can do about it’.

The first lady might also mistake the silence for a mark of approval and take even more blatant liberties with public funds. Perhaps, with this level of extra-budgetary, or is it unbudgeted expenses, it should not be surprising that President Jonathan’s government has consistently failed to implement budgets even with unprecedented borrowings.

If Mrs. Jonathan could stop and reason for a while, she would reflect on the examples of other equally domineering wives of presidents and how they ended. Perhaps, even the president would learn a thing or two from former president Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines. His wife, Imelda was a manifestation everything a first lady shouldn’t be. Though from a deprived background, she met and married politician Ferdinand Marcos who later become the president of the Philippines.

As first lady of the Philippines for over 20 years, Imelda Marcos held several government positions in her own right, including governor of the metro Manila area and later served as a minister. (Mrs. Jonathan is now a permanent secretary). And just like Nigerians, while many Filipinos lived in poverty, Imelda Marcos became known for her lavish spending, including her famed ‘3000’ pairs of designer shoes (What it is about poverty and shoes?) In the end, Imelda and her husband fled the country, where he died. If that example is too distant, she should simply ask herself, ‘Where is Turai, today?’

Since the title of this piece was inspired by Olu Rotimi’s Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again, I might as well end it by quoting Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, who wrote, in a thinly veiled reference to the first lady, “Unlike crude oil, which can be refined, you can extract a hippopotamus from the swamps, but you cannot take the swamp out of the hippopotamus”. This may explain the futility in attempting to counsel anyone that is so completely at home in the muddy waters of presidential politics, power and patronage in Nigeria.

culled from http://suleimansblog.blogspot.com/

Between Nasir El-Rufa’i and Goodluck Jonathan

Goodluck Jonathan is the President of Nigeria, while Nasir El-Rufa’i is a former FCT Minister. The duo are not equal. However, Nasir El-Rufa’i is an ardent critic of President Goodluck Jonathan and his administration. El-Rufa’i is so passionate about his criticism of Goodluck Jonathan’s style of governance, to the extent that he coined the word ‘Jonathanian’. 

What is really the motive behind El-Rufa’i’s tireless criticism of President Goodluck and his government? Is it the extension of El-Rufa’i’s no-love relationship with late President Umar Musa Yar’Adua’s administration? Is it because El-Rufa’i has not been offered any position in the government? Is it that El-Rufa’i is being pushed by his zeal for national development and the only option is to criticize those in authority to make amends? Or is it just politics, (El-Rufa’i is a member of the opposition- now, the Deputy National Secretary of the All Progressive Congress, APC)? Supporters and opponents of both President Goodluck Jonathan and Nasir El-Rufa’i have different views on the reasons why El-Rufa’i enjoys criticizing President Goodluck Jonathan.

El-Rufa’i critics- Jonathan sympathizers, are of the view that, El-Rufa’i’s persistent lampooning of President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration is borne out of El-Rufa’i’s anger of not having been offered any position in the administration. They observe that El-Rufa’i had thought he would be a major player in the Jonathan government having actively participated in the struggle to make Goodluck Jonathan the Acting President. Thus, El-Rufa’i is seen to be angry at being snubbed by Jonathan, despite that he El-Rufa’i have admitted that, they sold to the nation the impression that a cabal was behind the blocking of the emergence of Vice President Goodluck Jonathan as Acting President, even though the cabal didn't exit. 

Jonathan’s supporters also see El-Rufa’i as part of a group of some members of former President Olusegun Obasanjo Administration who are avidly committed to criticize anything of Goodluck Jonathan administration. El-Rufa’i’s relentless condemnation of Jonathan’s administration is also seen, by some quarters, as an expression of bitterness as a result unfulfilled personal ambitions; politics with hatred and seeking avenue for cheap publicity. They ask; is it not same El-Rufa’i that barraged Muhammad Buhari with criticisms in the run-off to the 2007 Presidential election that has now turned around to be a Buhari supporter? Well, criticism of one another by politicians is nothing new- it is just politics! El-Rufa’i and Goodluck Jonathan were once members of same political party- the PDP. It will not be surprising to see the two men on same page, probably in the same political party- Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)-or APC, afterall anything is possible in Nigerian politics.

El-Rufa’i sympathizers enjoy mentioning the word ‘Jonathanian’. They say, it perfectly defines Jonathan’s under-performance so far. El-Rufa’i’s fans are of the view that, his criticisms of Jonathan is borne out of his desire for a Nigeria with a well-run economy that supports practical growth in all sectors. A Nigeria with a leadership that is well-read and competent with the right leadership skills, exposure and behaviour.

El-Rufa’i’s fans also say, if he is being motivated by politics for cheap popularity; he could have chosen to be a promoter of the government- because that is the easiest way to get government patronage and recognition. But he took the hard way- identifying with the opposition. They also said, El-Rufa’i is an established professional with international repute who can survive anywhere in the world, wealth is not his problem. El-Rufa’i admirers further said, Jonathan’s flaws are so many and perpetual, hence, talkative and social media savvies like El-Rufa’i find it hard to keep their mouths shut and their hands off the keypads; after all, the social media does not have gatekeepers. El-Rufa’i supporters see him as open minded, fearless and one who says things as they are.

Those sitting on the fence are of the view that, intelligent and fluent El-Rufa’i would always comment on issues, especially those that affect the governance of the country. It is true that, constructive criticism by those whom the government must listen to when they speak, helps the government to see the bigger picture, as well as give the common man a voice. So, whether El-Rufa’i’s criticism of the Jonathan government is politically motivated or not, the constructive ones could help the government.

The big question is what would make El-Rufa’i end his passionate criticism of Goodluck Jonathan and his administration? -A lucrative position/contract in the government or sterling performances in all sectors of the economy by the Jonathan administration? The typical Nigerian politician El-Rufa’i could go for the former, 

while the technocrat and development-activist El-Rufa’i could go for the latter. But which is the real El-Rufa’i?

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980. 

The Challenges Facing Petroleum Equalization Fund (PEF)’s Aquila Project

The Aquila Project is one of the best things that has happened in the Nigerian downstream oil industry in recent times. But few months after its commencement, the project is facing its difficult and test moment. Cases of theft and tampering with the Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) tags affixed on trucks, especially in the Lagos area, some petroleum marketers and haulers having little or no understanding of the workings of the project, acute shortage of the RFID tags are among the various difficulties facing the project.

The Aquila Project is an excellent electronic business solution designed to track the movement of regulated petroleum products throughout Nigeria -confirm loading and delivery of regulated petroleum products at all depots and retails outlets.  PEF believes the Aquila project, would bring efficiency in the management of volume of regulated petroleum products bridged across the country, it would also ease bridging claims payment to marketers and transporters; as well as eliminate the massive corruption that has hitherto characterized the payment of the bridging claims. Building a reliable data base for the downstream petroleum sector distribution is also one of the advantages of the project, according to PEF. Indeed, an excellent project. However, the emerging problems facing this innovative project, if not tackled, would rubbish it.

Before the introduction of the Aquila project, the PEF has been battling hard with so many challenges: rampant petroleum product diversion by haulers and marketers; absence of reliable data, fraudulent bridging claims (claims on waybills of undelivered products, popularly called bridging by air), cases of multiple registration numbers (plate number) for a single truck and insider abuses were also challenges in the management of the regulated petroleum products distribution system. However, with the introduction of the Acquila Project, all these problems were already being tackled, with reasonable success being achieved. For example, it has helped in the elimination of fraudulent claims and has put ‘vendors’ of petroleum products waybills out of business. But with the emergence of the aforementioned challenges, the project is under serious threat.

What then can be done by the Petroleum Equalization Fund Management (PEF) Board to safeguard and continuously improve on the project, taking into consideration the Nigerian mentality - the tendency of most people to try to circumvent laid down procedures.

Firstly, massive education and advocacy, including continuous publicity and advertising can be a strong tool in safeguarding the project.  For instance, some people were led to wrongly believe that the RFID tags affixed on trucks  contain mercury and SIM card for making free calls because some important targets  were left out in PEF’s  public relations and enlightenment  strategy - all people doing business in the depots regardless of their status should have been targeted in the enlightenment  programme. For example, drivers and motor boys who are always attached to the petroleum trucks can become bottleneck to the project.  If a driver, a motor boy, or a gate-man in the depots believe the RFID tags have mercury or SIM card for free calls, they would be tempted to steal it. 

All information technology business solutions have provisions for producing advanced versions;the Aquila Project cannot be an exception. Therefore, PEF’s IT support staff and service providers should search for more advanced ways to replace the physical RFID tags to either infrared or Blue-toothed entire truck. This would eliminate the cases of theft of the RFID tags, as well as render less-important, the RFID tags and truck’s registration number plate.

Another way of improving the solution is; the PEF management should be a more flexible with its representatives at the depots- it has been observed recently that PEF’s representatives at most loading depots in country are jittery to correct errors they make- either a  captured  wrong destination, quantity, marketers name or product type. Human errors are found in running any application, including I.T. business solution. If PEF continues to be unnecessarily strict with its personnel at the depots for cases of ‘innocent’ error corrections, it risks losing one of the most important aspects in achieving efficiency- full disclosure. Its depots representatives would hide errors made, which in the long run, would harm the entire project. PEF should allow its representatives at the loading depots to do corrections on errors made, but with full disclosure, this would immensely help it in the continuous improvement of the project.

PEF should also restructure its collaboration strategy with major stakeholders. For instance, the six major oil marketers and NNPC Retails control the bulk of trucks and retails outlets in the Nigerian downstream oil industry. A stronger partnership with these major stakeholders in the area of tagging of trucks would relieve PEF of the burden of management of the tags, especially of new trucks coming into the system.

Any electronic business solution has its challenges.  If all the challenges facing  the Aquila project are surmounted; the project can serve as  vehicle in providing the Nigerian government some vital information and data on  regulated  petroleum  products-  the exact litres loaded and exact litres received at each retail station in the country; the consumption pattern state by state or region by region, in addition to information on heavy truck movement on the Nigerian roads, including data on the actual national consumption of regulated petroleum products subsidized by tax payers money.

Nonetheless, PEF must be commended for this innovative solution to long-term national problems- irregularities in the management of the distribution and claims on bridged regulated petroleum products.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Jimeta, Adamawa State, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980. 

Re: Assessing Adamawa MPs in the National Assembly

This article is a reaction to an opinion with the above above title published in this newspaper of July 27, 2013. The author, Muhammed Zayyad lampooned Hon. Haske Hananiya over alleged non-performance. But the arguments are misplaced.


Nigeria’s 1999 constitution recognises the role of the third tier of government. It prescribes its functions to include having the duty to participate in economic planning and development of the areas as outlined in the fourth schedule of the document. That the local governments maintain a joint account with state governments has not quite stemmed the culture of financial malfeasance of the councils, hence the current hues and cries that have permeated the nation’s polity.
This happened to be one of the issues brainstormed upon between the constituents of Gombi/Hong federal constituency of Adamawa and their representative in the National Assembly at the people’s public session on the review of the constitution. This gave birth to the ongoing amendment of the Nigerian constitution which seems to have polarised legislators of the red and green chambers of the National Assembly (NASS). To us in the aforementioned council areas, issues such as the one in reference and other people-oriented matters as rotational presidency, devolution of powers etc, unanimously agreed upon by way of voting at the forum, were all presented by our representative without being selfish as witnessed among other representatives.
As part of a covenant with the people, the lawmaker, Haske Hananiya, in the last quarter of 2012 and early part of 2013, embarked on sinking motorised and hand pump boreholes across 22 electoral wards of the local governments, residents of whom, before now had been devastated by the outbreak of waterborne diseases such as malaria and typhoid. Topmost on the agenda of Haske Hananiya are empowerment of the poor and the aged, restoration of abandoned health care delivery scheme in both councils, and above all, empowering the youth through the introduction of scholarship awards to further their studies. Although the job of lawmaking is quite a different kettle of fish from direct empowerment of the people, the legislator resolved to ensure he bequeaths a legacy that posterity will kindly judge him with.
This informed last year’s distribution of farming implements and inputs worth millions of naira to constituents in the two local governments. One can never get bored of talking, writing and reading about Hon Hananiya. He is simply a thriller and a dazzler. Contrary to the opinion of one Muhammed Zayyad who wrote under the caption “Assessing Adamawa MPs in the National Assembly” which appeared in Weekly Trust of July 27, 2013, where he lampooned him for alleged non-performance, the lawmaker has been up and doing in championing the cause of his people.
Our representative has modestly donated some hospital equipment, beefed up structural facilities of the only cottage hospital in Hong, while clinics in Gombi and environs will take their turn before the end of this year. The constituents’ poor economic base has been a matter of great concern to the lawmaker, hence his recent visit to the areas in an attempt to give them succour and commence the process of removing his people out of the misery of health challenges, joblessness and bad road network and also boost youth educational standard.
In partnership with a non-governmental organization (PRO-HEALTH), a free health programme covering general health screening and preventive counseling, maternal health and family planning, HIV/AIDS screening and counseling and voluntary behavioural counseling were also brought to the doorstep of the two council areas. Diabetes screening and preventive counseling, ophthalmic procedure; for example, free eye surgeries, free glasses, dental screening and surgeries and laboratory services, were equally rendered at no cost to over 5, 000 patients in the areas.
Suleiman Alhamdu Gombi LGA Adamawa State